It sounded, tasted and felt like a mature democracy. There was none or if any, few reports of violence, harassment or intimidation by the government/ security agents against the opposition during the entire official campaign period. Such a development is a very rare occurrence in autocratic regimes. A third Republic of The Gambia was in sight through a free, fair and peaceful election.

The Gambia, since gaining independence, has had only two Presidents – Sir Dawda Kairaba Jawara, the first president, who was overthrown in 1994 in a bloodless coup by his army chief Yahya Jammeh, who obviously became the second president and the country’s longest-serving President.

The first coup attempt in 1981 by Kukui Samba Sanya, was foiled by Senegalese troops in the Gambia, while Sir Jawara was away attending a Commonwealth heads of State meeting in Britain.

After seizing power, Yahya Jammeh appropriated to himself many pompous titles and accolades, including “His Excellency, Bridge Builder, Sheikh Professor Alhaji Dr Yahya AJJ Jammeh.  Until the recent December 2016 polls, he had won four widely criticised elections and had also faced down several coup attempts.

This then explains the significance of his defeat in the December election. Barrow, won with 45.5% of the vote, over incumbent Yahya Jammeh’s 36.7%.  It is not surprising that some Gambians have nicknamed the president- elect as “The Gambian Obama”.

The Akan have a saying that, “a naked man does not put his hands in his pocket”.

President- elect Adama Barrow’s immediate interview with international media including the BBC, gave peace and security analysts much concern, looking at Jammeh’s 22 years of dictatorship. They thought the transition might drag for long on suspicion that Jammeh might want to cling to power.

Here is a man who faces possible international criminal trial for crimes against humanity, and back home, possible investigations and accountability for his stewardship.

Mr. Barrow could not keep his cards close to his chest; he let them out including his decision to stay with the International Criminal Court and possible prosecution of Jammeh.

The outgoing president saw these pronouncements as a threat to his peaceful and quiet enjoyment of his wealth in his country, as agreed to in The Gambian Constitution, as ex gratia for former presidents.

It is suggested that, Jammeh’s U-turn is a revolt against his possible highly probable imprisonment, a fear for his future, sheer paranoia.

But he long lost the battle when he threw in the towel. Constitutionally, he has no power; any attempt to stay in power will be illegal. He has served notice to challenge the election results in Court; but stands a slim chance of success after accepting that he had lost the election earlier.

All these last- minute behaviour is an attempt by Jammeh to negotiate for a “protection against his possible imprisonment. It will therefore not be surprising if Jammeh asks the four English- speaking West African Heads of State to help mediate post-election issues for a sanctuary.

Arguably, the best person on the team is Ghana’s John Mahama. After an unflattering defeat at the polls for a second term in his home country, he reduced tensions significantly by conceding ahead of the official announcement of the results.

President Mahama is the best person among the Ecowas mediating team to commiserate with Jammeh, for he best knows how it feels to lose power.

Two possible scenarios are likely to play out in the course trying to get Jammeh to see reason with the good people of The Gambia, who decided on the one to govern them this time round.

His Excellency Bridge Builder, Sheikh Professor Alhaji Dr Yahya AJJ Jammeh, can on the one hand, secure a deal like that of Ex-Liberia President Charles Taylor, and enjoy temporary shelter from other African leaders.

On the other hand, Jammeh could suffer the same fate as former Ivorian President, Laurent Gbagbo, against whom considerable force was applied to get out office.

Having refused to stand down for four months after losing the presidential election, even as the country descended into civil war, Gbagbo was finally detained at his personal residence by Ivory Coast army assisted by French military in order to restore peace to the country.

The second scenario is likely to receive endorsement from Senegal which surrounds Gambia.

Relations between the two countries have strained over the years.  Dakar has accused Jammeh as a key financier of rebels mounting an insurgency in Senegal’s south Cassamance province.

Senegal recently has been pacing on its borders with The Gambia for an opportunity to show Jammeh its military might. With an army of less than two thousand men, The Gambia’s army stands the least chance should they back Jammeh.

The use of force for now remains and has always remained the last option in peace negotiations.

A proverb in the Nigerian Yoruba dialect says “If a leaf stays long on soap, it becomes soap too”.

What ECOWAS can do if Jammeh remains stubborn, which he will, will be to suspend The Gambia from the regional bloc and impose economic sanctions on the country with travel restrictions on Jammeh and his aides.

Pressure from the African Union, the United Nations and United States is mounting. This means similar punitive action by these other bodies and states. The consequences will be extreme hardships.

The less than two million ordinary citizens will be the hardest hit which could lead to a rebellion.  The Gambia is noted for three main activities on which the economy depends –- farming, fishing, and especially tourism. That will be too much a pain for Gambians.

Sammy Darko is a former BBC correspondent for Ghana, Peace and security analyst, a Lecturer at UPSA and a final year student at the Ghana school of law, Makola.

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By: Email: [email protected]

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South Sudan is the world’s youngest country, and it has witnessed immense change since gaining independence in 2011. The promise of peace has given way to civil war, and tribal rifts continue to run deep, permeating political affairs. Over two million people have been displaced according to the UN, and tens of thousands killed.

Meat the family

It would be hard to find a more dedicated group of herdsmen than the tribe who live on the banks of the Nile, north of the capital Juba. Their entire lifestyle is geared around caring for their prized livestock, the Ankole-Watusi, a horned breed known as “the cattle of kings.”

These cows grow up to eight feet tall, and are worth as much as $500 each. It’s no wonder the Mundari view these animals as their most valuable assets (or that they guard them with with machine guns).

Photographer Tariq Zaidi spent a fortnight earlier this year documenting their lives and the devotion they show towards these animals. Zaidi has captured tribes and indigenous people from over 30 African nations, though he was nonetheless taken aback by the relationship between man and beast.

“It’s hard to overstate the importance of cattle to the Mundari people,” says Zaidi, “these animals are everything to them.”

The photographer describes how “almost every man I met wanted me to take a picture of them with their favorite cow.” Their wives and children, on the other hand, were given short shrift.

Perhaps this is in part due to the function and symbolism of the Ankole-Watusi. Each bovine is so highly prized that it is rarely killed for its meat. Instead, it is a walking larder, a pharmacy, a dowry, even a friend. It is clear that cow is a resource maintaining not just a people, but a way of life.

The Mundari, tall and muscular, may “look like bodybuilders,” says Zaidi, “but their diet is pretty much milk and yogurt. That’s it.” Other bodily fluids have more unlikely uses. Mundari men will squat under streams of cow urine, both an antiseptic, Zaidi suggests, and as an aesthetic choice — the ammonia in the urine color the Mundari’s hair orange.

Meanwhile dung is piled high into heaps for burning, the fine peach-colored ash used as another form of antiseptic and sunscreen by the herdsmen, shielding them from the 115-degree heat.

The cows, adds Zaidi, are among the world’s most pampered. He says he witnessed Mundari massaging their animals twice a day. The ash from dung fires, as fine as talcum powder, is rubbed into the cattle’s skin and used as bedding, while ornamental tassels swat flies from the eyes of the herd’s most prestigious beasts.

Outflanking war

The Mundari sleep among their cattle, “literally two feet away from their favorites” says Zaidi, and guard them at the point of a gun. It’s not unreasonable for the tribe to go to these lengths.

“Rustlers are a huge issue for them,” the photographer explains. “Their cattle are a form of currency and status symbol, and form a key part of a family’s pension or dowry. Since the end of the civil war, thousands of men have returned to South Sudan looking for wives, which has pushed up the ‘bride price’, making these animals even more precious and increasing lethal cattle raids.”

Such raids have been deadly for the Mundari, but the effects of war are manifold. Landmines make finding fresh pasture a dangerous lottery. When he visited, Zaidi says the tribe were using a small island in the Nile as a safe haven. The conflict, he adds, has the paradoxical effect of preserving their way of life.

“The ongoing war in South Sudan has cut off the Mundari tribe from the rest of the world,” he says. “They don’t venture into the town, they stay in the bush, and it’s why their unique way of life endures.”

Zaidi says the Mundari have no taste for war and “their guns are not to kill anyone but to protect their herd.” All the Mundari want to do is take care of their livestock, he argues, “and they will protect them at all costs.”

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Ministers approved the long-awaited decision at a cabinet committee meeting on Tuesday.

Transport Secretary Chris Grayling called the decision “truly momentous” and said expansion would improve the UK’s connections with the rest of the world and support trade and jobs.

He will make a statement to the House of Commons about 13:00.

A wide range of unions and business groups welcomed the decision to expand Heathrow. TUC general secretary Frances O’Grady said it was “absolutely vital for Britain”, while CBI chief Paul Drechsler said it would create jobs and boost economic growth.

Heathrow management said the airport was ready to deliver a third runway that was “fair, affordable and secures the benefits of expansion for the whole of the UK”.

However, Sadiq Khan, the mayor of London, said it was the wrong decision for both

Expanding airport capacity in the South East of England has been a political hot potato for many years.

Although Heathrow has always been the favourite among businesses, it has attracted the most opposition from MPs with constituencies near the airport or under flight paths.

Zac Goldsmith, the Tory MP for Richmond Park, had threatened to resign if Heathrow expansion was approved and called the announcement “catastrophic”. He is expected to make a statement later on Tuesday.

The shadow chancellor, John McDonnell, whose Hayes and Harlington constituency includes Heathrow, said he had opposed expanding the airport for the past 30 years and that “nothing has changed”.

Foreign Secretary Boris Johnson and Education Secretary Justine Greening also have been vocal critics of Heathrow expansion.

Ms Greening is expected to give her reaction to the decision in a message to her constituents in Putney, south-west London, while Mr Johnson will also make a statement.

Last week, Prime Minister Theresa May moved to head off possible Cabinet resignations by giving ministers some freedom to speak out against the decision.

A study last year, led by Sir Howard Davies, recommended a third runway at Heathrow, but other options included a new runway at Gatwick or extending one of Heathrow’s existing runways.

A public consultation will now be held on the effects of airport expansion before the government makes a final decision as part of a national policy statement on aviation.

MPs will then vote on that decision in the winter of 2017-18. It is unlikely that any new runway capacity would be operational before 2025.

Construction is not likely to begin until 2020 or 2021, the Airports Commission has said.

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Source: BBC

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The king, 88, was widely revered in Thailand. He was seen as a stabilising figure in a country hit by cycles of political turmoil and multiple coups.

He had been in poor health in recent years and made few public appearances.

The king’s death comes as Thailand remains under military rule following a coup in 2014.

The palace had warned on Sunday that the king’s health was “not stable”.

Many Thais had been wearing pink to try to bring good luck to the ailing monarch. Hundreds of people had gathered outside the hospital where he was being treated.

King Bhumibol’s heir-apparent is 63-year-old Crown Prince Vajiralongkorn, who does not attract the same level of affection as his father.

Strict lese-majeste laws mean public discussion of the succession are punishable by lengthy jail terms.

Given the pivotal role the king has played in maintaining the balance of power in Thailand’s volatile political environment, the succession will be a formidable challenge for the government, says the BBC’s Jonathan Head in Bangkok.

King Bhumibol, who was born in Cambridge in the US state of Massachusetts, acceded to the throne on 9 June 1946 after his brother, King Ananda Mahidol, died.

Though a constitutional monarch with limited powers, King Bhumibol was regarded by many Thais as semi-divine. They looked to him to intervene in times of high tension.

He was seen as a unifying and calming influence through numerous coups and 20 constitutions.

However, his critics argued he had endorsed military takeovers and at times had failed to speak out against human rights abuses.

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Source: BBC

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